The eras during which the nation-state grew and thrived saw many different types of states and a continual reconditioning of the triad relationship between law, strategy, and history. There were many different revolutions in military affairs, for example: which one led to the modern financing system which required a state to support it? The state, in essence, has been continually restructured and organized.
How to law, strategy, and history combine to make the state? The state exists, mainly, because it was the most efficient way to accomplish a number of elements – as Bobbitt says, it exists by virtue of its purposes. These elements are:
a) drive for survival and freedom of action (strategy)
b) authority and legitimacy (law)
c) identity (history)
These three factors do not simply provide the basis of a pyramid for which the top is the state; they also flow into each other, making them intertwined to a detailed degree. A state must have legitimacy to have a monopoly on the use of force, but it is often force, fed by identity, that gives it that legitimacy.
The situation amongst states today is one of confusion. With the end of the Long War (1914-1990), and the victory of the democratic nation-state, the virtue of its purposes is being called into question. In essence, the state no longer has a clear calling. Is it to establish other democratic nation-states? If so, the inability to establish a clear policy one way or the other in the twenty years since the end of the Cold War has not only been counter intuitive, but incredibly harmful. Bobbitt again: “That calculus [What are our forces for] depends upon the axiomatic requirement of the State to survive by putting its security objectives first.” What, exactly, are the security objectives of the modern nation-state?
Bobbitt says the need to maintain order must factor in, but the need to maintain order does not catch minds, and is not a concept domestic orders can easily get behind. “The state, being highly future-oriented, can channel resources into the future and harness present energy for deferred gains. But this quality of futurism is also its vulnerability: the state is a clumsy instrument for persuading people to make sacrifices when objectives are in doubt, or to parry subtle long-term threats, because the interests of the people can easily be severed from those of the state when long-term objectives and goals are at issue.”
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As is probably clear by now, Bobbitt’s overall point is the context which the nation-state reformed so continuously throughout the 18th and 19th century and put into practice in competing systems in the 20th century died when the Long War ended. While the state is not dying, the nation-state is – the basis for the state is changing, and organizing the state along principles of nationalist sovereignty does not hold up to the leveling force of globalization. Corporations now dominate the world economy, in the sense that they are economies unto themselves, controlling larger amounts of wealth than most nations. Bobbitt says the market-state is the next logical step, which will maximize the opportunity of its people, as opposed to the nation-state maximizing the welfare of its people.
Globalization results in a short-term nationalistic tendency, as culture and economy go through upheaval, then settles down as culture and economy get plugged in with the rest of the world. Globalization, also, has no controlling force; the
The nation-state undergoes upheaval strategically as the element of its existence disappears, and as globalization helps transform warfare, assisted by nuclear weapons, instant communications, and the recognition that defeating the